A period of forty-plus years has passed since crime was the most potent political issue in California.
Democrats controlled the state legislature, which did little despite widespread calls for action due to the alarming increase in crime in the state.
Despite Democrats’ claims that they were too lenient on crime, Republicans were able to win multiple elections in over a decade because they saw an opportunity.
Nominated Republicans defeated multiple Democratic state senators. When Republican Pete Wilson took office in 1990, he succeeded George Deukmejian, who had served as the state’s tough-on-crime attorney general since his 1982 election to governor.
Chief Justice Rose Bird was one of three liberal state supreme court justices who were removed in 1986 by a Republican-led campaign.
Democratic lawmakers joined the movement in the late 20th century, passing a slew of anti-drug measures, the most notable of which was the Three Strikes Law of 1994.
Thanks to stricter legislation and more severe judicial and prosecutive stances, tens of thousands of criminals are now behind in prison. Overcrowding became so bad that federal courts issued reduction orders despite the state’s efforts to construct dozens of new jails; the population of prisoners had increased eightfold.
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By the turn of the century, the Democrats had reclaimed control of the United States Capitol. Voters supported their efforts a decade ago to soften or eliminate harsh sentencing legislation enacted during the height of the anti-crime movement, with the rationale being the widespread imprisonment of people for very small offenses. Prison populations are dwindling as a result of the closure of many institutions that housed them.
Shoplifting, vehicle burglaries, and smash-and-grabs are among the many property crimes that have recently surged across the state, along with some violent offenses. Criminal justice is, unsurprisingly, a hot topic in politics once more.
After feeling ignored by the state legislature, retailers, police organizations, and local officials qualified Proposition 36, a ballot initiative that would increase penalties for certain crimes while partially reversing Proposition 47, a 2014 initiative that reduced certain penalties.
Democratic discord meant that Governor Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders were unable to craft a more moderate ballot issue. Though it falls short of Prop. 36’s level of criminal enforcement, they did manage to assemble a 10-bill package.
Earlier this month, at a Home Depot in San Jose, Newsom signed the laws. He referred to it as “the most significant legislation to address property crime in modern California history,” and he said, “This goes to the heart of the issue, and it does it thoughtfully and judiciously.”
“State leaders have had years to address California’s crime and drug crises, yet little has been done to tackle the root causes,” Prop. 36 advocates said, clearly unimpressed. Legislation has recently been passed, but it is insufficient to tackle the most pressing problems, such as the fentanyl epidemic, chronic homelessness, and chronic repeat theft. This is because there are not enough strong incentives for drug treatment.
The Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley issued a poll showing Prop. 36 leading by an overwhelming 56% to 23% just as Newsom was signing the ten legislation. Reflecting the heightened security worries of Californians, it is an astounding and maybe insurmountable gap.
There is still no word on whether Newsom will be happy with the legislative package or launch a full-scale campaign against Prop. 36.
Currently, there is a coalition against Prop. 36 that includes liberal organizations, a few progressive lawmakers, and a few union representatives. However, this alliance does not seem to possess the substantial funding necessary to mount a credible opposition campaign.
Even though Newsom has the means to do so, he has been focusing his efforts and resources on elevating his national political profile as of late.